THE
SENSE OF THE PAST
Lionel
Trilling
[Lecture
notes by Dr. S.
Sreekumar]
Disclaimer
Scholars, please note:
These study materials on Trilling are
only for classroom purposes. The explanations are not original in any sense
but taken from various sources. These notes are offered with the sole intention
of helping students and research scholars with a quick overview of Trilling’s
ideas. Those who would like to have a deeper or original study of the subject
must look elsewhere for assistance.
A Brief Summary [ 1300
words]
At the outset,
Trilling questions the status of the study of literature in the Universities of
the United States. He says that what is studied is not literature but its
history. There is a dispute in the Universities between ‘criticism’ and ‘scholarship’—
‘criticism’ is seen as the aggressor and ‘scholarship’ the defender. The
study of literature is often viewed with suspicion. Considering literature as
an object of knowledge removes the active power of literature.
Often, literary
history tries to approximate the methods of science. The genetic study of art
is one such method. The genetic study may give ‘added value’ to a work but the
study may easily become ‘vulgarized’ when the conditions are treated as primary
and the work as secondary. The genetic
study may give a degree of certainty to a work but such scientific certainty is
neither needed nor desirable. New critics revolted against the scientific study
of literature. They wished to restore the autonomous status of literature and
to see it as an agent of power.
Trilling
enumerates some of the faults of New Critics:-
a) They thought
that anything can be discovered through hard work. b) Elucidation of concepts like
irony and ambiguity became rituals and c) They forgot that literature is
basically a historical art.
Literature is
historical in 3 different ways:-
1. In ancient
times the poet was a reliable historian of the personal/national/cosmological
events.
2. Literature is
historical because any work exists by virtue of its connection to a past work/works,
and
3. Pastness gives the work an additional
‘aesthetic quality’.
Trilling sees
the historical sense as both negative and positive. But nobody can
escape from it. Historical sense is necessary to appreciate literature. The
‘historicity’ of literature was rejected by New Critics.
One must be aware of the past as past. Then only it will be alive and present. Making Shakespeare a contemporary will make him monstrous. Shakespeare becomes a contemporary when one realizes that he was a man of his age. The validity and relevance of his work remain in its pastness.
One must be aware of the past as past. Then only it will be alive and present. Making Shakespeare a contemporary will make him monstrous. Shakespeare becomes a contemporary when one realizes that he was a man of his age. The validity and relevance of his work remain in its pastness.
Anti-historical
critics are under the illusion that a man can think like another of another
period. They forget that historical sense is required to admire a poem
written even a hundred years before. Historical sense is one of the
aesthetic and critical faculties. Even the New Critics who were against the
historical sense employed the same when they showed their preference to the
poetry of the seventeenth century.
Trilling wants to refine the
historical sense and make it ‘more exact’. He quotes Hume on causation in
culture. One must not assign causes that never existed. Artists are delicate
souls and are related to the mass of people of their period. Thus the taste and
spirit of a whole people may have to be considered as general causes and
principles.
According to Trilling
sense of history has to be kept properly complicated. He suggests some
ways through which literary scholars can give proper complications to history.
Whether human nature has
remained the same or not, the ‘expression’ of human nature has changed over the
centuries. The expression of human nature is through conventions. Conventions
acquire meaning only because of life. The relationship between emotion and
the convention available for its expression is a complicated one. Any simple
solution to this problem is a sign of failure.
Whitehead suggests a step
that can complicate the sense of the past. He thinks that the ‘assumed ideas’ of
a period are more important than the ‘expressed ideas’. The assumed ideas
appear obvious to the people—they never know that they are assuming them. The
stress on assumed ideas rather than on expressed ones will certainly help to
complicate the sense of the past.
Relating the poet to
his/her environment can complicate the sense of the past. The poet is created
by the environment, but he/she has a role in the creation of the same
environment. Similarly, ‘the question of
influence can complicate the sense of the past if we use ‘influence’ in all its
complexity. Awareness of the nature of the transmission of ideas is another
means to complicate the past. An idea is the formulation of a response to a
particular situation. Ideas are limited and they recur. Thus, ideas may acquire
some autonomy leading us to believe that they are responsible for events.
Similarly, semanticists would like everyone to believe that words are
responsible for the troubles of humanity. Trilling points out that words cannot
control ‘us unless we desire to be controlled’ by them. The same is true of
ideas also. Ideas can neither save nor betray anyone. Again, it is
erroneous to believe that ideas are immutable. Some academicians seriously
believe that Schopenhauer and Nietzsche were responsible for Nazism. Some
others blame the Romantic Movement for racial theories like Nazism. They forget
that though Schopenhauer and Nietzsche and the ideas of the Romantic Movement
were available throughout Europe and America, only Germany responded to them in
a particular way.
Trilling regrets
that the study of history has fallen into a ‘low estate’ among the students of
literature. The educated classes depreciate historical considerations by
pointing out ‘the dullness and deadness and falsifications which have resulted
from the historical study of literature’. Nietzsche said that the historical sense
is an actual faculty of the mind, a ‘sixth sense’ and that the ‘credit for the
recognition of its status must go to the nineteenth century’. Ironically, we do
not give much credit to the ideas and recommendations of the nineteenth century
and ‘our coldness to historical thought’ emanates from the belief that it is
‘the past’ that caused all our troubles and the nineteenth century is the ‘most
blameworthy of all the culpable centuries’.
Karl Marx expressed
‘the secret hope’ of our time that man’s ‘life in history’ will come to an end.
The self-extinction of history is ‘progress’. Humans yearn for a life which is
‘satisfactory once for all’. They do not want to be reminded of the past
because of the mistakes and failures.
History as ‘a
continuum of events’ is unlikely to end. Man will be going on making his
choices and mistakes. Nietzsche knew this better than others and he had
‘considerable sympathy for our impatience with history’. He thought that the historical sense has
certain virtues like making men ‘unpretentious, unselfish, modest, brave,
habituated to self-control and self-renunciation’. He also found fault with the
historical sense for preventing men from ‘having the ability to respond to the
very highest and noblest developments of culture, making them suspicious of
what is wholly completed and fully matured’. This ‘ambivalent attitude’ of
Nietzsche gives him authority when he defines what the historical sense is and
does.
Nietzsche
defined the historical sense as the capacity for realizing ‘the order of the
rank of the valuation according to which a people, a community, or an
individual has lived’. In the case of a community or people, the valuations are
expressed not only ‘by the gross institutional facts of their life’ but also by
their morals and manners, and by their philosophy and art. Trilling says that
the twentieth century urgently needs the instinct for realizing the order of
rank of cultural expressions. ‘Our growing estrangement from history must be
understood as the sign of our desperation’.
Nietzsche had an
‘acute’ capacity to divine the order or rank of cultural things. He never
separated his historical sense from his sense of art. He considered them not as two but as one. His
definition prescribes that culture must ‘be studied and judged as life’s
continuous evaluation of itself’. This culture will never find full expression
in ‘the operating forces’ (the gross institutional facts of life). But it will
never find the expression ‘at all’ without reference to the ‘gross institutional
facts’. [1297 words]
Detailed Analysis
with Critical Comments
At the outset, Trilling questions the status of the study of
literature in the Universities of the United States. What is studied in Universities is not literature but the history of literature. According
to him, it was John Jay Chapman (notes 1) who condemned the ‘archaeological, quasi-scientific, and documentary
study of the fine arts’ for the first time. Chapman condemned it because it
tried to ‘express the fluid universe of many emotions in terms drawn from the
study of
physical sciences’.
Comments:
Physical
sciences operate on scientifically proven facts. The basic principles of these
sciences go on changing as more and more facts are discovered. The universe of
imaginary literature is seldom based on scientifically proven facts. Trying to
express this fluid (uncertain) universe of imaginary literature with terms
borrowed from physical sciences will certainly lead to wrong conclusions.
The ‘issue’ between Criticism and Scholarship
After Chapman’s time, the ‘issue in the Universities is in the
form of opposition of ‘criticism’ and ‘scholarship’. In the ‘issue’
between ‘criticism’ and ‘scholarship’, ‘criticism’ was the aggressor and
‘scholarship’ the defender. The world has become ‘less and less responsive’
to literature, and literature is very often viewed with suspicion.
Comments: The attempt to control ‘imaginative literature’ using state
machinery (which we saw in the erstwhile Soviet Union and many other authoritarian
countries/societies) is because of a bureaucratic suspicion of literature.
McCarthyism of the 1950s showed that even democratic societies might, at times,
be suspicious of literature. For example, Arthur Miller (the dramatist) was
accused of Communist sympathies. Miller related the paranoia of his accusers to
the Salem witch trials of the seventeenth century and The Crucible was born]. Trilling points out that the existence of
‘the historical study of literature’ in Universities is a by-product of
suspicion. Historical study of literature tries to put literature into a
verifiable straitjacket of history.
Traditional scholarship considers literature as an object of knowledge.
This view denies /obscures the active power of literature. ‘All sorts of
studies are properly ancillary to the study of literature’. In this context,
Trilling turns his attention to the work of Professor Lovejoy [ notes 2] an influential philosopher of the
twentieth century. In his The Great Chain
of Being, Lovejoy asserts that for ‘the study of the history of ideas a
really dead writer is better than one whose works are still enjoyed’.
Trilling disparagingly points out that such views make us no better than the
‘Edinburgh body snatchers’.
Comments: This is a
very interesting comparison/observation. During the early 19th century
Edinburgh became a major European center for medical and anatomical studies. Research
in anatomy needed a steady supply of cadavers. Unscrupulous elements made huge
profits by digging out the bodies of the deceased and selling them to medical
researchers. Two notorious criminals, William Burke and William Hare were
attracted to cadaver trade because of the easy money. They committed at least
16 murders over 10 months and sold the cadavers to a medical
researcher.
Criticism vs. History
of Literature
·
Literary history faithfully followed
social and political history. It allied itself with the physical sciences of
the nineteenth century. Literary history had many successes. It proved that in
an age of science, more prestige could be gained by ‘approximating the methods
of science’.
·
Of these methods ‘the most notable
and the most adaptable’ is the genetic study of art. The genetic study looks at
‘how the work of art came into being’. The genetic study is not ‘inimical to
the work of art’. On the other hand, it can take on ‘an added value’.
·
But the ‘genetic study can be easily
vulgarized, and in its vulgar form, it can indeed reduce the value of a
thing’. For example, in much genetic
study it is found that the work of art becomes secondary and the conditions
which created it become primary.
Comments: Reducing a
work to the conditions that created it is like throwing the baby with
the bathwater. When a study concentrates on the conditions which created a
work rather than on the work itself, the study becomes ‘vulgarized’, as
Trilling points out.
·
‘One of the attractions of the
genetic study is that it seems to offer a high degree of certainty’. Trilling
believes that there are ‘different kinds as well as different degrees of
certainty’. He adds that ‘the great mistake of the scientific-historical scholarship
is that it looks for a degree and kind of certainty that literature does not
need and cannot allow’. This error occurs when literary scholars seek a
certainty ‘analogous [similar, equivalent] with the certainty of science’.
Comments: The certainty of a scientific discipline is unattainable for
a literary work. Trilling believes that such a certainty is neither needed nor
desirable for a work of art.
·
Up to a point, ‘the scientific study
of literature is legitimate and fruitful’. He says that one must identify (and
never cross) ‘the terminal point’ of such studies. Similarly, one must never
think that the scientific study of literature will provide ‘the experience of
literature’.
·
In this context, Trilling recollects
‘the revolt’ of the New Critics against the application of scientific knowledge
to the study of literature. They wished to restore the autonomous quality of
art and see it as ‘an agent of power’ rather than as ‘an object of knowledge’.
The faults of New
Criticism
1.
The chief fault of the New Critics is
that ‘they try too hard’. [The same is true about the
‘scientific-historical scholars’ too]. They fall into the
common error ‘that Chapman (notes 1) denounced’— that ‘great modern illusion that anything….whatever can be discovered
through hard intellectual work and concentration’.
Thus the New Critics made ‘the elucidation of poetic
ambiguity or irony a kind of intellectual callisthenic ritual’ [Exercises
(like push-ups and jumping jacks) to develop strength and flexibility]. But Trilling says that ‘we can
forgive them their strenuousness’. They changed the reader’s relationship with language.
They tried to ‘make methodical and explicit what was once immediate and
unformulated’.
Comments: The language
of poetry was never closely studied until the ascendancy of New Criticism. We
may recall the contribution of critics like William Empson [Seven Types of Ambiguity] and Cleanth
Brooks [The Well Wrought Urn]. Critics
like them made a meticulous analysis of the language used in poetry and often
revealed to us dimensions we never suspected].
2. Another fault of the New Critics is that in their reaction to the
historical method, they forgot that the ‘historicity of a work’ is a fact in
aesthetic experience. Trilling points out that literature will always be a
historical study, ‘for literature is a historical art’. It is historical in
three different ways.
Comment: New Criticism
asserts that the text is more important than the historical/biographical
elements that are/were instrumental in its creation.
a. In the past, the poet was supposed to be a historian—‘a reliable
chronicler of events’. Thucydides [notes 3] and Aristotle believed that they were historians and ‘we suppose that a
large part of literature is properly historical, the recording and interpreting
of personal, national, and cosmological events’.
b. Literature is historical ‘in the sense that it is necessarily aware of
its own past’— may not be ‘consciously’ but ‘practically’. ‘The work of any
poet exists by reason of its connexion with past work, both in continuation and
in divergence, and what we call his originality is simply his special relation
to tradition’.
Comment: Here Trilling repeats the ideas developed by T.S. Eliot
in Tradition and Individual Talent].
Trilling cites Eliot to remind the readers that ‘each poet’s relation to
tradition changes tradition itself’. Thus the history of literature is never static
for a long time, it is also not ‘an additive kind of growth’. In every new age
the pattern is repeated—what was once dominant is forgotten and new affinities
are developed. Thus ‘we read any work within a kaleidoscope of historical elements’
[constantly changing].
Comment: For example,
in the Romantic Age, Alexander Pope of the previous age was forgotten. [We should
not miss the irony of Dr. Johnson’s remarks on Pope: "If Pope be not a poet, where is poetry to be found?". So much
for literary reputations!] The Romantics were abandoned by the nineteenth
century. What awaited the nineteenth century was even worse. They were cited as
bad examples and corrupt influences by the twentieth-century critics.
c. ‘Pastness’ or ‘historicity’ of a work is very important. In some cases, this ‘pastness’ renders an additional ‘aesthetic quality’ to the work and contributes
to its aesthetic power. The ‘elements of history’ modifies the formal elements
in a work [like prosody or diction]. In a complete aesthetic study, these historical elements also have to
be considered.
Comment: Even in a
formal study of the Odes of Keats, we
cannot ignore the historical development of the Ode as a genre.
Trilling writes— “It is part of the given
of the work, which we cannot help but respond to”. ‘The New Critics imply that
this situation should not exist, but
it cannot help existing, and we have to take it into account’.
Comment: The New
Critics were always against the study of the historical background of a work since
such studies would be against their assertion that a work is an autonomous
entity.
Sense of the Past: - Trilling says, “We are creatures of time, we are
creatures of the historical sense”. The historical sense assumed a new
dimension since the time of Walter Scott.
Comment: Scott was the greatest practitioner of the historical novel. His Waverley novels were
instrumental in creating a sense of the past among the British readers during
the nineteenth century.
The historical sense is not a
totally positive quality. Without that ‘we might be more certain, less weighed
down and apprehensive’. At the same time, ‘we might also be less generous, and
certainly, we would be less aware’. But whatever may be the case, humans have ‘the
sense of the past and must live with it, and by it’.
Trilling asserts that a sense
of the past is necessary to read literature. Otherwise one would be ‘like Partridge
at the play, wholly without the historical sense’. To appreciate Hamlet, a
sense of the past is required. This sense need not be highly instructed. It can
simply be a ‘belief that there is such a thing as the past’.
Comments: ‘Partridge at the Play’ is an extract from Tom Jones by Henry Fielding (1707–1754).
Partridge’s observations when he saw Hamlet (enacted in a playhouse) showed
how naïve he was to the nuances of the theatre. He laughed at the most famous
actor of the century, David Garrick, (who acted as Hamlet in the play) for
showing fear at the entry of the ghost. Then again he complained that the gravediggers took too much time in digging the grave. It is obvious from the
observations that he had no sense of what happens in a theatre.
The New
Critics rejected the ‘historicity’ of a work because they thought that by
rejecting the past they made the work ‘more immediate and more real’. They
believed that between ‘Now’ and ‘Then’ there is no difference because the
spirit of the man is ‘one and continuous’. Trilling differs. He asserts that one
must be aware of the past as past. Then only one can feel it ‘alive and
present’. Any attempt to make Shakespeare a contemporary will make him
‘monstrous’.
Comments:
Many twentieth-century Feminist critics have often cited Hamlet as an example of anti-feminist ideas. Similarly, The Merchant of Venice was/is condemned
for its presumed anti-Semitism. Those critics who make Shakespeare
anti-feminist make him their contemporary. They forget that the Western world in Shakespeare’s time was male- dominated. The sexual objectification of women was normal in that society and
women were seen as the property of their husbands. For example in 3.2.111-113 of Hamlet,
Hamlet focuses solely on Ophelia’s sexual organs, playing on the dual meaning
of ‘nothing’. Ophelia is not at all offended
by this language. Similarly, those who denounce Shakespeare for anti-Semitism
in The Merchant of Venice, forget
that during the sixteenth century, anti-Semitic feelings were rampant in
Western Europe. Thus Shakespeare may appear ‘monstrous’ if we view his plays
from the contemporary point of view].
Trilling says: ‘He (Shakespeare) is contemporaneous only if we know how
much a man of his age he was; he is relevant to us only if we see his distance
from us’. Trilling provides another example to underline this point. If
Wordsworth’s Immortality Ode is
viewed as a contemporary work, one may not
appreciate it. So too with The Prelude. ‘In
the pastness of these works lies the assurance of their validity and
relevance’.
Trilling,
then, takes up a much-discussed issue: ‘What is the real poem? Is it the
poem we now perceive? Is it the poem the author consciously intended? or Is it the poem the author intended and his
first readers read?’. The poem is
all these ‘depending on the state of our knowledge’. Besides, it is the
poem ‘as it has existed in history, as it has lived its life from Then to Now’.
The poem is something which ‘submits itself to one kind of perception’ in one
age and another kind in another age. It wields a different kind of power in
each age. The poem is thus something that can never be fully understood. The
mysterious and ‘unreachable part of the poem is one of its aesthetic elements’.
To assume
that one can think like another of another period is an illusion. It is like
the illusion that ‘we can think in a wholly different way’. Anti-historical
critics are often under this illusion. Cleanth Brooks and Robert Pen Warren are
examples. In their ‘admirable poetry text book’ (Understanding Poetry) they
‘disclaim all historical intention’. But one wonders why they never asked the
question: ‘What effect is created by our knowledge that the language of a
particular poem is not such as would be uttered by a poet writing now?’ The
fact is that to admire a poem written even a hundred years before requires
translation of the ‘historical circumstances’ and the ‘metaphors’. The trained
critic may forget this because ‘his own historical sense is often so deeply
ingrained that he is not wholly conscious of it, and sometimes, for reasons of
his own, he prefers to keep it merely
implicit’. But whether conscious or not, the historical sense is ‘one of the
aesthetic and critical faculties’.
The picture
becomes clearer when one looks at the preference of the New Critics themselves.
They found ‘all poetic virtue’ in the poetry of the seventeenth century and the
‘essence of poetic error’ in Romantic poetry. They were doing nothing
‘illegitimate’. They were simply ‘involving their aesthetics with certain
cultural preferences, they were implying choices in religion, metaphysics,
politics, and manners’. Trilling makes his point clear: ‘And in so far as they
were doing this by showing a preference for a particular period of the past,
which they brought into comparison with the present, they were exercising
their historical sense’. One can question their ‘attitude of making the
historical sense irrelevant to their aesthetic’.
Trilling says that the historical
sense has to be refined and made ‘more exact’. The question of ‘causation in
culture’ becomes important here. Hume raises some interesting questions on
‘causation in culture’.
Notes and comments: David Hume (1711 - 1776), Scottish philosopher, economist and
historian of the Age of Enlightenment,
spoke about causation thus in his An Enquiry
Concerning Human Understanding: ‘We understand matters of fact according to
causation, or cause and effect … our experience of one event leads us to
assume an unobserved cause. Hume argues that assumptions of cause and effect
between two events are not necessarily real or true. It is possible to deny
causal connections without contradiction because causal connections are
assumptions not subject to reason. (In other words, there can be effects without
any causes). We cannot justify our assumptions about the future based on experience unless there is a law that the future will always resemble the past.
No such law exists. Similarly, Hume does not think we should spend time and
energy on questions such as whether God exists, what the soul is, or whether
the soul is immortal. He claims that because the mind is not meant to help us
discover and define truths, we will never be able to come to any definite
and rational conclusions about abstract matters.
About ‘causation in culture’ Hume
writes that one must approach the subject with caution. Otherwise one might
‘assign causes that never existed and reduce what is merely contingent (conditional, provisional) to stable
and universal principles’. Hume adds that ‘cultivators of the arts’ are few and
their minds are ‘delicate and easily perverted’. Therefore ‘chance or secret or
unknown causes’ must have a great influence on ‘the rise and progress’ of all
fine arts. But the artists are related to ‘the mass of people’ of their time.
Therefore the taste, genius, and spirit of a whole people may have to be
considered as general causes and principles.
Comments: National pride at the rise
of England as a naval power was the basis for many History Plays/poems written
during the Elizabethan period. Similarly, the rise of democracy in the
eighteenth century may be considered a contributing factor to the rise of prose
fiction where ordinary human beings (not Kings and Princes) get heroic roles.
The
‘refinement of our historical sense’ means that it has to be kept ‘properly
complicated’. History ‘involves abstraction’, in the sense that one abstracts (makes a
summary of) certain events from others. This abstraction (summary) has an aim
and purpose. ‘Try as we may, we cannot, as we write history, escape our purposiveness’
(In
the sense of conscious design).
[When
we take up an assignment to write about a particular period in history, we
cannot wish away our purposiveness]
There is no
need to escape from purposiveness because ‘purpose and meaning are the same…’
But one must remember that ‘abstraction is not perfectly equivalent to the
infinite complication of events from which something is abstracted’. Trilling
suggests a few ways through which literary scholars can give ‘appropriate
complication’ to history.
·
First, he takes up the question of human
nature. Is human nature always the same? If so in what way? However, the expression
of human nature has certainly changed.
Comments: Human nature was expressed through literature and other
fine arts in different ways in different ages/periods. Here The Ramayana provides a classic example.
A. K. Ramanujan [Poet,
scholar, philologist, folklorist, translator, and playwright] writes that in
Sanskrit alone there are twenty-five or more renditions of the epic. There are
sculptures, mask plays, puppet plays and shadow plays around the epic. One
researcher, Camille Bulcke, counted 300 ‘telling’ of the epic. Millions of Indians have
read and "watched" the epic in popular comic books and TV series. The story of The Ramayana is available in at least 22
languages, including Chinese, Laotian, Thai, and Tibetan. Many of these
languages have more than one ‘telling’ of the epic.
The
relationship between expression and feeling has to be kept in mind. E. E.
Stoll, the well-known Shakespearean critic solves the problem ‘between what he
calls convention and what he calls life’. [Convention = expression, life
=feeling]. Stoll insists that ‘convention’ and ‘life’
are not connected at all. According to him, Shakespeare is not psychologically
or philosophically acute [serious, important] because
these are terms that we use of ‘life’. Shakespeare was dealing only with
‘convention’. This view makes the relation of ‘convention’ to ‘life’ very
important but at the same time it ‘misses the point that ‘life’ is always
expressed through ‘convention’ and in a sense always is ‘convention’ and
conventions get meaning only because of the intentions of life’.
Comments:
Trilling deals with two terms—
‘convention’ and ‘life’— here. When we attempt to express life through
literature we have to depend on certain conventions. Tragedy, Comedy, Lyric,
Sonnet, Epic, etc. are based on conventions only. Conventions get meaning only
when they are related to life. It is interesting to note that even a film on
‘star- wars’ follows certain conventions. The film, based on conventions, gets
meaning only when the characters (from remote galaxies speaking English?)
express human emotions].
Professor Stoll assumes that Shakespeare’s audience was ‘conscious of convention’. Trilling disagrees. He says that the audience was ‘aware’ of the convention but not ‘conscious’ of it. ‘…what they were conscious of
was life, into which they made an instantaneous translation of all that took
place on the stage’. The ‘problem’ of the interaction between emotion and ‘the
convention available to express it’ and the mutual ‘influence’ they exert on
each other are complex. The difficulties of the problem should be admitted. Any
simple solution for this is a ‘sign of failure’.
Comments: Here Trilling is suggesting a method to provide ‘appropriate
complication to ‘our notion of history’. Human emotions are expressed in art
through conventions. Tragedy, comedy, epic, sonnet, novel, etc. are based on
conventions. The interaction between human emotion and convention is always
complicated. The literary scholar can maintain complications without trying
to find simple solutions.
·
Another step to complicate the sense
of the past was provided by Whitehead.
Alfred North Whitehead (1861 –1947)
— English mathematician and philosopher— a defining figure of the philosophical school
known as process
philosophy, a comprehensive
metaphysical system which radically departed from most of western
philosophy.
Whitehead argued that reality consists of processes rather than material objects and that processes are best defined by
their relations with other processes, thus rejecting the theory that
reality is fundamentally constructed by bits of matter that exist independently
of one another. Whitehead's process
philosophy argues that "there is urgency in coming to see the world as a
web of interrelated processes of which we are integral parts so that all our
choices and actions have consequences for the world around us.” [At any given time,
we are never the same as we were before.
As Heraclitus, the Greek philosopher
said, “No man ever steps in the
same river twice, for it's not the same river and he's not the same man.”]
Whitehead preferred the ‘assumed ideas of an age’ and not the
‘expressed ideas’.
Comments: All
the ideas assumed may not be expressed. For instance, many ideas we assume
about others [religious minorities, women, differently-abled, etc.] may not be
expressed in any form. They may remain submerged in the subconscious of our
race.
The assumed ideas are those which appear ‘so obvious that people
do not know that they are assuming them because no other way of putting things
has ever occurred to them’.
Comments: This
is especially true of many people who assume so many things without any
concrete evidence to back up. Bertrand Russell writes, ‘We are all, whatever part of the world we come from,
persuaded that our nation is superior to all others. Seeing that each
nation has its characteristic merits and demerits, we adjust our standard of
values to make out that the merits possessed by our nation are the really
important ones, while its demerits are comparatively trivial. ’
Professor
Lovejoy made a ‘regression’ [antonym of progression] in his The Great
Chain of Being. [notes 2]. He said that ‘the ideas in
serious reflective literature are… in great part philosophical ideas in
dilution’. Trilling says that literature is made a
‘dependent art’ because of a general ‘suspiciousness’. One ‘must question the
assumption which gives priority in ideas to the philosopher and sees the
movement of thought as always from the systematic thinker’ to the poet who
‘uses’ the ideas ‘in dilution’.
The sense of the past can be complicated
through the realization that the expressed ideas are but only a part of the
assumed ideas of a period. Trilling warns that prioritizing the philosopher over
the poet is a ‘regressive’ step which will not advance our effort to complicate
the historical sense.
·
The relation of a poet to his
environment is another complex issue. ‘The poet is an effect of
environment, but we must remember, that he is no less a cause. He may be
used as the barometer, but let us not forget that he is also part of the
weather.’ The merely fundamental meaning of ‘environment’ must not be
considered satisfactory. Trilling says that ‘the simple quantitative
implication of the word’ (= ‘taking a large and literally
environing thing to be always the environment of a smaller thing’) must not satisfy anyone. [He gives two examples
to explain the idea of ‘a large and literally environing thing’ as the
‘environment of a smaller thing’]. ‘In a concert room the audience and its
attitude (‘large and literally environing
thing’) are the environment of the performer
(‘a smaller thing’), but the performer and
his music also make the environment of the audience’. In a family, likewise,
the parents are the ‘chief factors’ in the environment of a child, but the
child also is ‘a factor in the environment of the parents and himself
conditions the actions of his parents toward him’.
· Trilling takes up the question of the
influence of one writer on another. The term ‘influence’ must be understood in
all its complications. Historically, the term implies ‘the infusion of any kind
of divine, spiritual, moral, immaterial, or secret power or principle’. But
Trilling asserts that the ‘idea of influence’ …ought to be’ far more puzzling. ‘Influence’
becomes puzzling when turned ‘upon ourselves’: ‘What have been the influences
that made me the person I am, and to whom would I entrust the task of truly
discovering what they were?’
·
Trilling takes up ‘another thing that
we have not understood with sufficient complication.’ It is ‘the nature of
ideas in their relation to the conditions of their development and in relations
to their transmission’. One generally thinks that an idea is like ‘a baton that
is handed from runner to runner in a relay race’. But an idea ‘as a
transmissible thing’ is more like a sentence in a parlor game.
A parlor
game is a sort of indoor game. In the game referred to, a sentence is whispered
about in a circle. The amusement comes ‘when the last version is compared with
the original’. They will be most often drastically different from each other.
About the origin of ideas,
Trilling says: ‘we ought to remember that an idea is the formulation of a
response to a situation; so too, is the modification of an existing idea’.
To a
particular situation, a human being responds in a particular way. When this
response is given a form, it becomes an idea. Sometimes, Men take up existing
ideas and modify them to suit a particular situation.
Trilling explains how ideas get autonomy. The situations in which people/cultures
are placed are limited. Hence there is only a limited number of responses and
consequently a limited number of ideas. Thus ideas recur. People ‘think
habitually’ and ideas persist even when the situations which created them are
no longer present. Because of this, ideas gain ‘a certain limited autonomy, and
sometimes the appearance of a complete autonomy’. ‘It is supposed that ideas
think themselves, create themselves and their descendants, have a life
independent of the thinker and the situation’. From this, it is concluded that
ideas are ‘responsible for events’.
·
A similar feeling exists among the intellectual
classes about the use of words—a feeling that ‘we are betrayed by words, that
words push us against our will’. The ‘tyranny of words’ has become a common
phrase. Semanticists believe [and try to make others
believe] that the world will be a better
place if only Man can escape from the tyranny of words. Trilling quotes Charles
Dickens in this context. Dickens said that he was ‘tired of hearing about the
tyranny of words’ as ‘he was …less concerned with the way words abuse us than
with the way we abuse words’. Words do not create trouble. It is Man’s will
that creates trouble. ‘Words cannot control us unless we desire to be
controlled by them’. The same is true with ideas also. They can neither betray
nor save. Instead of blaming ideas Men must blame ‘bad thinking’. The tendency
to blame ideas for human troubles is the ‘great vice of academicism’. He
regrets that ‘the errors’ of academicism do not remain in the academy but percolate
into the world. Thus ‘what remains as a failure of perception’ among the
intellectuals, ‘finds its fulfillment on policy and action’.
·
Belief in the autonomy of ideas
becomes strong in times of war. But both sides in the war have to believe in
‘the immutable nature of ideas to which each side owes allegiance’.
Trilling implies that
ideas are subject to constant change. It is erroneous to believe that ideas are
immutable.
‘What gods are to the ancients at war, ideas are to us’. Trilling quotes two instances to prove his
point.
The first is that of an American professor of philosophy who wrote that
the ideas of Schopenhauer and Nietzsche were responsible for Nazism
[ notes 4] and that the virtues of American democracy came from Plato and Athenian
society.
The second instance is a biography of Byron written by an English
professor when Nazism was at its height. The biographer asserts that ‘the
Romantic Movement failed’. Trilling says: ‘… I for one know less and less what
it means’. Moreover, ‘All movements fail, and perhaps the Romantic
Movement failed more than most because it attempted more than most; possibly it
attempted too much’. Ascribing failure to a movement ‘seems to suggest that
literature ought to settle something for good....’
The English biographer then writes about the legacy left behind by the
failure of the Romantic Movement. According to him, Nationalism was a product
of the Romantic Movement and Nationalism was responsible for racial theories
like Nazism. Racial theories still exist in society in several forms that can
hardly be recognized. The Romantic Movement is to be blamed for this because
‘it appeals to that strain of anarchism which inhabits a dark corner of every
human mind and is continually advancing the charms of extinction against the
claim of life’. The Romantic Movement highlights the charm of all that is
‘fragmentary and youthful and half-formed’ against the compact achievement of
adult genius.
The argument of the biographer blaming the Romantic Movement for Nazism
is absurd. One has to ask why only Germany responded to the ideas when the
ideas of Romanticism were available to all nations and people. There is a
failure of logic here. More than that what is questionable is the assumption
that ‘ideas generate events’ and that ideas are autonomous and that they can
‘seize upon the minds of some men and control their actions independently of
circumstance and will’.
Thus, in the two books mentioned above, historical facts are distorted.
The Schopenhauer and Nietzsche mentioned in the books have no real connection
to the philosophers with the same names. Similarly, the Plato and Athens have
no connection to the real Plato and Athens. Trilling asks some pertinent
questions here: Can the ‘anarchism’, the 'fragmentariness' and the immaturity
associated with the Romantic Movement [as alleged by the English
biographer mentioned above] be related to Kant, or Goethe, or
Wordsworth or Beethoven? And how can anyone derive the ‘iron rigidity’, the
‘desperate centralization’, and the ‘systematic cruelty’ of the Nazis from
Romantics like Kant, Goethe, Wordsworth or Beethoven?
The answers to both questions are obvious. We can never link the great
Romantics to the ideologies propagated by the Nazis. The ‘connection’ between
Romanticism and Nazism is far-fetched.
Trilling regrets that the study of history has fallen into a ‘low estate’
among the students of literature as the two books mentioned above suggest. The
educated classes depreciate historical considerations by pointing out ‘the
dullness and deadness and falsifications which have resulted from the
historical study of literature’.
Resistance to history originates from ‘the whole nature of our life
today’. Nietzsche said that the historical sense is an actual faculty of the
mind, a ‘sixth sense’ and that the ‘credit for the recognition of its status
must go to the nineteenth century’. Ironically, much credit is not given to the
ideas and recommendations of the nineteenth century and ‘our coldness to
historical thought’ emanates from the belief that it is ‘the past’ that caused
all the troubles and the nineteenth century is the ‘most blameworthy of all the
culpable centuries’. Karl Marx, ‘for whom history was indeed a sixth sense’,
expressed ‘the secret hope of our time that man’s ‘life in history’ will come
to an end. The self-extinction of history nowadays means ‘progress’. Men yearn
for a life which is ‘satisfactory once for all’— ‘a time without end’. They do
not want to be reminded of the past because of ‘the considerable possibility
that (the) present is but perpetuating mistakes and failures and instituting
new troubles’. [History repeats itself?].
History as ‘a continuum of events’ is unlikely to end. Men will continue
making their choices and mistakes. Nietzsche knew this better than others
and had ‘considerable sympathy for our impatience with history’. He thought that the historical sense has
certain virtues like making men ‘unpretentious, unselfish, modest, brave,
habituated to self-control and self-renunciation’. He also found fault with the
historical sense for preventing men from ‘having the ability to respond to the
very highest and noblest developments of culture, making them suspicious of
what is wholly completed and fully matured’. This ‘ambivalent attitude’ of
Nietzsche gives him authority when he defines what the historical sense is and
does.
Nietzsche defines historical sense
as ‘the capacity for divining quickly the order of the rank of the valuation
according to which a people, a community, or an individual has lived’. In the
case of a community or people, the valuations are expressed not only ‘by the
gross (unrefined) institutional facts of
their life’ (what Nietzsche calls ‘the operating
forces’) but also by their morals and manners,
by their philosophy and art.
Comments: The historical sense is the capacity to divine (anticipate or
know beforehand through exceptional wisdom and judgment) the values a
community or people had upheld, in the order of their relative importance.
These values are expressed through morals, manners, philosophy, and art and not
merely through the mundane facts of life. For example, we understand the values
of the Elizabethan Age through the morals, manners, philosophy and art of the
Age and not merely through mundane historical facts like the Black Death or
defeat of the Spanish armada.
The historical sense is ‘the “divining instinct” for the relation of the
valuations to the operating forces’. [How the mundane facts
of life are related to the values upheld by a community or individual]. It is the sense which life uses to test itself. The twentieth century urgently needs the
instinct for divining the order of rank of cultural expressions. ‘Our growing
estrangement (separation) from history must be understood as the sign of our desperation’.
Nietzsche had an ‘acute’ capacity to divine the order or rank of cultural
things. His capacity is realized in that he never separated his historical
sense from his sense of art. He
considered them not as two but as one. He prescribed that culture must ‘be
studied and judged as life’s continuous evaluation of itself’. This culture
will never find full expression in ‘the operating forces’ (the gross institutional facts of life). But it will never
find the expression ‘at all’ without reference to the ‘gross institutional facts’.
Operating forces or
‘gross institutional facts’ are necessary to understand the culture but at the same
time a culture will never be fully expressed through operating forces alone.
Notes
1. John
Jay Chapman
(1862-1933) American poet, dramatist, and critic who attacked
the get-rich-quick morality of the post-Civil War “Gilded Age” in political
action and in his writings. Ancestors on both sides of his family had
distinguished themselves in antislavery and other causes, and he sought to
continue that tradition among the upper middle classes, whose integrity he felt
had been eroded by the upsurge of big business. Chapman wrote some 25 books,
including a biography of William Lloyd Garrison, the abolitionist leader
(1913); Collected Songs and Poems
(1919); and volumes of criticism such as Emerson,
and Other Essays (1898), Greek
Genius, and Other Essays (1915), and A
Glance toward Shakespeare (1922). His fear that the quality of education in
the United States was being destroyed by its excessive scale and its servitude
to the needs of business was expressed in his New Horizons in American Life (1932). [Encyclopaedia Britannica]
2. Professor
A. O. Lovejoy (1873
– 1962), American philosopher and intellectual historian, founded the discipline known as
the History of Ideas with his book The Great Chain of Being (1936)
– regarded as 'probably the single most influential work in the History of Ideas in the United States during the twentieth century. As a
professor of philosophy at Johns Hopkins University from 1910 to 1938, Lovejoy
founded and long presided over that university's History of Ideas Club. In 1940
he founded the Journal of the History of Ideas. A reviewer, Raphael Demos, writes: “Men are
galvanized by ideas and act as vehicles for them… Such a ruling idea is that of
the great chain of being. Lovejoy's study records the birth, the growth,
the vicissitudes, transformations, and finally the senility, and perhaps the
death of this idea. The study is as fascinating as that of the rise and decay
of an empire, and, in fact, it is the study of the empire of an idea over human
minds throughout many centuries… Prof. Lovejoy's approach is fresh and
different… The learning exhibited in this book is vast.”― (Modern Language Notes)
3. Thucydides (born 460 BC or earlier?—died after 404 BC?), greatest of
ancient Greek historians and author of the History
of the Peloponnesian War, which recounts the struggle between Athens and
Sparta in the 5th century BC. His work was the first recorded political and
moral analysis of a nation’s war policies. Thucydides and Herodotus are called
the founders of the writing of history. [Encyclopaedia
Britannica]
4. Arthur Schopenhauer (1788—1860)
German philosopher, often called the “philosopher of pessimism,” He was the
exponent of a metaphysical doctrine of
the will in
immediate reaction against idealism. His writings, especially his masterpiece The World as Will and Idea influenced existential philosophy
and Freudian psychology. Schopenhauer was very much influenced by the
philosophy of Vedānta and the mysticism of the Vedas (Hindu
scriptures). The Upaniṣads,
together with Plato and Kant, constituted the
foundation on which he erected his philosophical system.
Schopenhauer turned away
from spirit and reason to the powers of intuition, creativity, and the
irrational. His thought greatly
influenced Nietzsche and through Nietzsche the ideas and methods of life philosophy, existential philosophy,
and anthropology. Nietzsche’s ideas are connected to modern psychology and
to Sigmund Freud and his
school. Within the German cultural realm, Schopenhauer’s influence on music and literature brings to mind such diverse names
as Richard Wagner, Hans Pfitzner, Wilhelm Busch, Gerhart
Hauptmann, Frank Wedekind, and Thomas Mann. [Encyclopaedia
Britannica]
Friedrich Nietzsche (1844 --1900),
German classical scholar, philosopher, and critic of culture, who became one
of the most influential of all modern thinkers. His attempts to unmask the
motives that underlie traditional Western religion, morality, and philosophy deeply
affected generations of theologians, philosophers, psychologists, poets,
novelists, and playwrights. His observation that “God is dead,” determined the
agenda for many of Europe’s
most-celebrated intellectuals after his
death. Although he was an ardent foe
of nationalism, anti-Semitism, and power politics, his name was
later invoked by
fascists to advance the very things he loathed.
The association of Nietzsche’s name [and through him that of Schopenhauer’s] with Adolf Hitler and fascism owes much to the use [misuse] made of
his works by his sister, Elisabeth.
Elisabeth maintained ruthless control over Nietzsche’s literary estate and,
dominated by greed, produced collections of his “works” consisting of discarded
notes. She also committed petty forgeries. Generations of commentators were
misled. Equally important, her enthusiasm for Hitler linked Nietzsche’s name
with that of the dictator in the public mind.
In the first place, Nietzsche loathed
anti-Semites in whom he saw personified the malevolent spirits of resentment
and envy. Anti-Semitism was the emotion for weak, lower people, for whom
‘someone must be to blame for the fact that I do not feel well’. In Human,
All Too Human (1878), he wrote of how lowly men hated the Jews on
account of ‘their energy and higher intelligence, their capital spirit and
will, which accumulated from generation to generation in the long school of
their suffering’, and that the success of this higher people ‘awakens envy and
hatred’, making Jews ‘scapegoats for every possible public and private
misfortune’. [Encyclopaedia Britannica]
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